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Haaretz
Op-Ed Piece, Sunday, June 23, 2002.
Send more teaspoons
by Doron Rosenblum
With what surprising indifference we received the
chilling conclusion of the FBI and CIA - published in The
New York Times - that America's war against Qaida in
Afghanistan has actually failed. Not only did the
indiscriminate revenge and carpet bombings not eliminate
terror, but in fact they may have doubled the threat. The
terror organizations have apparently branched out and turned
into a global jihad movement, with 10 times more motivation
to seek vengeance and wreak destruction.
Since we worked so hard to draw a parallel between our
war against terrorism and America's war in Afghanistan, this
conclusion should be all the more disturbing to us. In our
equation, we were America and the Palestinian Authority was
Qaida. But when the Pentagon admits defeat, what are little
we (and the mighty Uzi Landau) to do? Apply more force? Drop
more bombs?
Maybe. But America's conclusion is particularly worrying
now that the taste of so-called victory in Operation
Defensive Shield is already turning sour. Even the most
militant analysts dryly conclude that the operation, which
weakened the Palestinian Authority, has only boosted
Palestinian motivation to launch terror attacks to
unprecedented dimensions and ruled out any possibility of
curbing this motivation. To suppress the terrible
realization that we are losing the battle against terrorism,
we use more force, we personalize the fight, and attribute
to Arafat black magical powers.
The magic solution is therefore obvious - if we get rid
of Arafat, the conflict will dissolve at once into thin air.
According to these intricate conspiracy theories, Arafat is
an unparalleled strategic genius - Dr. No, Goldfinger and
Prof. Moriarty all rolled in one. Indeed "terror" itself is
an ingenious demon of sorts, an evil mastermind always on
intellectual alert, picking the time and place of terrorist
attacks with diabolic precision and pinpointing our weak
spots with strategic ingenuity.
Unfortunately, reality is even more petrifying.
Testimonies from the suicide bombers, their aides and
dispatchers express a vicious numbness more than anything
else. The mental picture is of criminal arbitrariness, a
murderous "banality of evil" in which the perpetrators
attach little meaning to their own existence, let alone that
of their victims.
"I drove him to the scene;" "I put explosives on her and
told her `go blow yourself up;'" "they told me `detonate
yourself today and take your high school exams next week;'"
"they sent me;" "I saw people standing and eating, so I went
over and blew myself up."
Would that this were some strategy, even demonic; that it
had any purpose, no matter how satanic; that our opponent
was ruthless, but logical - such adversaries may at least be
countered with equal cunning, with military rationale. But
what can you do with this trance-like assassinationism? Any
thought of teaching such an enemy a lesson with tanks and
jets seems just as irrational as the terror itself.
What then should we do? Apparently, being faced with this
dullness of the mind, we have developed an obtuseness all of
our own. At the start of the intifada, the Shin Bet chief
cautioned that fighting Palestinian terrorism without a
parallel political process and without physical partition
between the two populations would be tantamount to "emptying
the sea with a teaspoon." Instead of heeding this warning,
they have apparently turned it into a strategy.
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